Gukurahundi: Upon reading some of the material, and from our evidence gathered - it is apparent to us that the term “Gukurahundi” fails to portray the absolute horrors of that genocide - the hunting down and brutal torture, murder of children, women and men folk by deranged psychopaths - all upon the orders of Mugabe, Mnangagwa and 'others'.
The term itself has been framed as an almost poetic “moment of madness” (Mugabe’s cynical words). This period wrought incomprehensible brutality that we in the West, and within the British Establishment can never fully understand. That period within Zimbabwe from 1983-1987 cannot be ignored, cannot be cured with “an apology” - it requires JUSTICE - because some of the perpetrators of that unimaginable genocide are alive today and within the current regime. Like the sword of Damaclease - it is still there - still an aberration - yet to see Justice.
No, Gukurahundi is not the correct description; it is from the same depraved psychosis that started this horrific genocide itself. It needs a new, fully descriptive terminology, one that we cannot yet construct in our minds
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- Written by: DeepSeek AI Research
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A HIGH-GRADE INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS REPORT:
BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, ZANU-PF, AND ZIMBABWE'S POST-INDEPENDENCE GEOPOLITICS {DeepSeek}
1. Introduction
The decolonization of Zimbabwe and the subsequent political trajectory of ZANU-PF were not mere coincidences of history but rather the outcome of a meticulously executed geopolitical strategy. The role of British intelligence, specifically MI6, in orchestrating the political dominance of ZANU-PF while systematically neutralizing Soviet-backed ZAPU and ZIPRA forces is well documented through historical records, declassified intelligence reports, and the memoirs of key intelligence operatives such as Ken Flower. This report provides an incisive examination of the covert operations, diplomatic maneuvers, and intelligence mechanisms that shaped Zimbabwe’s post-independence governance in favor of Western strategic interests.
2. The Cold War Context: British and Western Strategic Interests in Zimbabwe
Following the Second World War, Britain, the United States, and their Western allies sought to prevent Soviet-aligned regimes from gaining political control in strategic African territories. Zimbabwe, a former British colony rich in minerals and agricultural potential, was an area of critical geopolitical importance. The Soviet Union’s sponsorship of ZAPU/ZIPRA under Joshua Nkomo posed a direct threat to Western investments and the influence of former colonial powers.
The refusal of Zimbabwe’s government to permit the USSR to establish an embassy until 1987, nearly seven years after independence, is a clear indicator of an orchestrated effort to sideline Soviet influence. This calculated delay raises significant questions regarding the real nature of Zimbabwe’s purported Marxist-Leninist stance under Mugabe’s leadership.
3. The Role of British Intelligence (MI6) in ZANU-PF's Political Dominance
3.1 Ken Flower and the Central Intelligence Organization (CIO)
Ken Flower, a British-born intelligence officer and head of Rhodesia’s Central Intelligence Organization (CIO), remained a central figure in Zimbabwe’s security architecture even after 1980. His continued tenure post-independence is evidence of the deep-seated British influence in the new Zimbabwean state. Flower’s memoir, *Serving Secretly: An Intelligence Chief on Record, Rhodesia into Zimbabwe 1964-1981*, provides compelling evidence of his liaison with MI6 and the CIA, as well as the extent to which British intelligence continued to shape Zimbabwe’s internal affairs after official independence.
The failure of Mugabe’s government to purge the CIO of British-aligned operatives further substantiates the claim that ZANU-PF’s victory was not merely a result of battlefield success but a calculated outcome influenced by Western intelligence operations.
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A HIGH-GRADE INTELLIGENCE ANALYSIS REPORT:
BRITISH INTELLIGENCE, ZANU-PF, AND ZIMBABWE'S POST-INDEPENDENCE GEOPOLITICS. {GROK3}
IntroductionThe decolonization of Zimbabwe and the subsequent political trajectory of ZANU-PF were not mere coincidences of history but rather the outcome of a meticulously executed geopolitical strategy. The role of British intelligence, specifically MI6, in orchestrating the political dominance of ZANU-PF while systematically neutralizing Soviet-backed ZAPU and ZIPRA forces is well documented through historical records, declassified intelligence reports, and firsthand accounts from key players in Zimbabwe's post-independence landscape. This report aims to dissect the intricate involvement of MI6 in shaping Zimbabwe's political framework following its independence in 1980, with a particular focus on the consolidation of ZANU-PF's power and the broader geopolitical implications in the Southern African region. By analyzing historical events, intelligence operations, and their outcomes, this report seeks to provide a comprehensive understanding of how British interests influenced Zimbabwe's trajectory and why this influence continues to reverberate in contemporary geopolitics.
2. Historical Context: The Pre-Independence Struggle and External Influences
Zimbabwe’s path to independence was marked by a fierce liberation struggle pitting two primary nationalist movements against the white minority Rhodesian government led by Ian Smith. The Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU), led by Robert Mugabe, and the Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), under Joshua Nkomo, emerged as the dominant forces. ZANU, with its military wing, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), drew significant support from China, while ZAPU and its Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) were backed by the Soviet Union. This Cold War proxy dynamic positioned Zimbabwe as a battleground for superpower influence.
Britain, as the former colonial power, retained a vested interest in ensuring a stable postcolonial government that aligned with Western interests rather than falling into the Soviet sphere. The Lancaster House Agreement of 1979, which paved the way for Zimbabwe’s independence, was a critical juncture where British diplomacy—and by extension, MI6—played a pivotal role. The agreement, brokered in London, ensured a ceasefire, elections, and a transition to majority rule, but it also laid the groundwork for British influence over the emerging political order.
3. MI6’s Strategic Role in ZANU-PF’s Ascendancy
3.1 Orchestrating the 1980 Elections
The 1980 elections, which saw ZANU-PF secure a landslide victory, were not merely a democratic exercise but a carefully managed operation with British fingerprints. MI6, leveraging its extensive network from the colonial era, including the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO)—originally established under Rhodesian Prime Minister Winston Field in 1963—worked to tilt the scales in favor of Mugabe’s ZANU-PF. Historical accounts suggest that British intelligence provided logistical support, intelligence on ZAPU’s movements, and subtle propaganda to bolster ZANU’s image as the more unifying and capable force.
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- Written by: Nompilo Ndlovu - as Doctoral Thesis - University of Cape Town
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The Gukurahundi “Genocide”: Memory and Justice in Independent Zimbabwe - Abstract of Thesis
"Operation Gukurahundi (1982-1987) commenced and endured within the Midlands and two Matabeleland Provinces of Zimbabwe through a Fifth Brigade army – trained by the North Koreans, and which was accountable to former President Robert Mugabe. This army sought to find 400 armed dissidents, but their excessively violent actions ultimately resulted in 20,000 civilians being killed, thousands being tortured and/or disappearing as well as 400,000 persons brought to the brink of starvation due to targeted food limitations within these regions.
The story of Gukurahundi is complex and multifaceted, but significantly it was about the political annihilation of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (ZAPU), as an opposition party, as well as their supporters - predominantly from these targeted provinces.
Essentially, the key aspect that this study speaks to is: How has state denial and produced silences of Gukurahundi shaped survivor memories across generations; and contributed to justice in independent Zimbabwe?
Amidst produced silences, Gukurahundi memory remains existent over 30 years after the occurrence and is nuanced in various ways.
The study therefore looks into the memory traces of the post-Gukurahundi period through select reminiscences as shared by 30 survivors of Gukurahundi who offer a telling around what happened during Gukurahundi, and in the aftermath as key informants to the research.
This study thus draws attention to ‘ordinary’ people’s stories, as narrated by them, and discusses them against oral history theory. In this regard, the research objectives are to analyse various memory debates associated with this occurrence, such as the nexus between memory and silence; gender and memory; spatialities of memory; as well as intergenerational memory.
Another important gleaning which becomes a thread throughout the research is the connection between memory and language(s). Linkages between memory and justice are made, with reference to select initiatives across a variety of actors which are relied upon on as a means to address, memorialise as well as to survive Gukurahundi.
Oftentimes these actors – including survivors themselves – address Gukurahundi outside of the Government of Zimbabwe’s arrangements. Finally, this research aims or hopes to contribute to post-conflict commendations.
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9.4 Conclusion
This work has engaged in several discussions which demonstrate that state denial strategies in Zimbabwe over three decades have bred and sustained a widespread set of silences. These silences have produced selected and varied memory trajectories amongst urban and rural, male and female, and first- and second-generation survivors – both in and outside Zimbabwe.
They have also helped to ensure that access to justice, in all its forms, is curtailed in Zimbabwe.
Admittedly, it is difficult to conclude the Gukurahundi narrative decisively. The nature of the occurrence and that of oral history itself remain uncertain, because humans and their processes are varied, personal, and deeply complex. There will always be myriads of questions around what a participant said and what they did not say.
This inconclusiveness on matters such as Gukurahundi is exacerbated by the reality that Zimbabwe’s current political circumstances see the same leaders (who are associated with being Gukurahundi’s perpetrators) in rulership.
The current reality is therefore that the political forces producing these silences are so much more prevalent than any other voices, and this remains a stumbling block for initiatives hoping to address occurrences such as Gukurahundi.
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- Written by: Richard Gandari
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On the 23rd of August 2023, eligible Zimbabweans from all walks of life cast their ballots in a crucial election with the highest stakes since independence. Many candidates vying for power published their manifestos during spirited campaign rallies. The promises made to the electorate could outnumber the breams of Kariba Dam. From spaghetti roads in urban areas to skyscrapers in rural areas, all manner of pie in the sky were dangled before spellbound audiences, by demagogues hoping to get into elected office. Yet there is one thorny issue that many of them craftily avoided.
The issue predates Zimbabwe’s independence in terms of motives and blueprints for execution. It is a genocide aptly called Gukurahundi (the rain that washes away the chaff) after the Fifth Brigade that carried out the atrocities. Many articles and reports have been produced to give a blood-chilling catalogue of human evil. Some survivors and eyewitnesses of the mindless atrocities still live in fear and hopeless resignation. Traumatized and ignored, their plight remains dire with most of them condemned to mere existence and untimely death. An unknown number of Gukurahundi victims were subjected to state-enforced disappearance, never to be seen again. Their children are practically disenfranchised as citizens without identity documents.
Yet the perpetrators of Gukurahundi are not only free but actually thriving. When their Korean trained Fifth Brigade was disbanded, they were integrated into regular army units and some traded their fatigues for designer suits, to occupy key positions in parastatals and government departments. To reward them for spilling innocent blood, the ZANU-led government gave each of them free farms, army pension, civil servant salary plus looting opportunities via opaque tenders. Some even grabbed shares in foreign owned firms upon hounding the original shareholders into relinquishing control. Those who were war veterans before serving in the 5th Brigade also led in claiming war victim compensation packages which crashed the Zimbabwe dollar in 1997. Afterwards, monthly salaries were awarded and remain in place to this day. Another stream of income for certified thugs, rapists and murderers.
Tellingly, the government of Zimbabwe has never issued an official apology for Gukurahundi. Not even a sincere acknowledgement of the genocide to pave way for a genuine process of healing for the victims and redemption for the perpetrators. This has created a divided nation, rendering Zimbabwe a unitary state only in terms of geography and army secured territorial integrity. Though an apology could never amount to reparations nor instant healing, it could at least be a sincere starting point towards closure and restorative justice. If a mere apology is hard to obtain, then what hope is there for fair compensation of victims, let alone prosecution of perpetrators?
Consider what happened in East Germany back in 1990, before the fall of the Berlin Wall. A report in the Los Angeles Times on 12 April, 1990 stated that after four decades of denying a dark past, East Germany finally apologized to Israel and all Jews for the Nazi Holocaust and accepted joint responsibility for the slaughter of 6 million Jews during World War II. “East Germany’s first freely elected Parliament admits joint responsibility on behalf of the people for the humiliation, expulsion and murder of Jewish women, men and children,” said a statement read by Speaker Sabine Bergmann Pohl to a televised session of Parliament.
In many ways Gukurahundi was similar to the Nazi Holocaust. The most notable difference is that whereas the Nazis targeted Jews for being foreigners, the 5th Brigade targeted regular citizens within their own country. Their only crimes were being Ndebele and/or supporting ZAPU, the party led by the late nationalist Dr Joshua Nkomo. ZAPU at the time was designated a terrorist organization after the convenient ‘discovery’ of arms caches planted by the architects of Gukurahundi. That is the strategy that predates Independence Day. A group of ceramic hearted men secretly harbored ambitions to annihilate all Ndebeles and reduce them to a historical footnote.
Identifying as a member or supporter of ZAPU became a death wish. Under the then Prime Minister Robert Mugabe, a caveat was promulgated, outlawing ZAPU and forfeiting all its properties to the state. Some of the properties belonged to ZPRA, the armed wing of ZAPU during the liberation struggle. Being visionaries, ZPRA veterans lawfully purchased a string of valuable properties using funds pooled from their demobilization payouts. The party, ZAPU also invested in movable and immovable properties. Everything was seized and forfeited to the state. Dr Joshua Nkomo was persecuted and hounded into exile. His lieutenants, the late Dr Dumiso Dabengwa and the late Commander Lookout Masuku were thrown into Chikurubi Maximum Security Prison on trumped up charges. The rest is history as the adage goes.
Just like in East Germany in 1990, it has been four decades of denial and deafening silence. As the watershed elections of August 2023 were rigged to maintain the status quo, hopes of a new Zimbabwe remain an elusive dream. ZAPU the corporate victim of Gukurahundi, remains incapacitated. With Mugabe’s caveat frozen in time, the resurging party is struggling to reclaim its purloined glory. As fate would have it, the leader of ZAPU today is none other than Michael Sibangilizwe Nkomo, the very son of the late Dr Joshua Nkomo. One would consider it a golden opportunity for poetic justice but lo and behold, those wielding the levers of power have no desire to allow a new dawn for Zimbabwe. Due to incapacitation, ZAPU could not field its leader for the presidential race. The steep nomination fees demanded by the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission made it impossible for ZAPU to effectively participate in the crucial plebiscite.
Apart from the continued onslaught against ZAPU there remains a myriad of unwritten caveats designed to perpetuate Gukurahundi in other subtle and thinly veiled forms. Nothing short of regime change can revive hopes for the genuine resolution of Gukurahundi as a de facto genocide. Whoever emerges as the elected leader of Zimbabwe after unseating ZANU PF, should know that there can never be genuine national healing and cohesion without first addressing the issue of Gukurahundi. That is the elephant in the room. It can never be wished away. Once the issue is properly resolved then devolution of power should be the next logical step. Our country will know a new birth of freedom. Only then can spaghetti roads and skyscrapers mean something for everyone